The New Republic, a globalist, progressive outlet, is very influential. They are now dedicated to punishing President Trump and his allies after he leaves office. They suggest putting Donald Trump on trial at the International Court. The court is run by globalists, communists, and various other progressives. His allies are also subject to progressive revenge.
In a lengthy article, they railed against the president. The article refers to the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution repeatedly to attack the president as a fascist and oligarch. Because they want open borders, they claimed he used immigration and customs enforcement as a paramilitary force. They demonized him for allegedly abusing “Americans and their immigrant neighbors alike simply because he can.”
The outlet accuses Donald Trump of insurrection.
They said he tried to nationalize elections from an offhanded comment he made in February.
The article compares him to the “last American king” for implementing tariffs.
“A rundown of the Trump administration’s scandals and crimes resembles, with shocking likeness, the grave, sweeping charges laid out in the Declaration of Independence against the last American king.
The article raged against him for using the National Guard to restore law and order in Washington, D.C.
“Foremost among the Founders’ fears of threats to liberty was the potential misuse of the military. Trump, to borrow their phrasing, “has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislatures.” In a show of propagandistic force, he has stationed thousands of National Guard troops from around the country within the District of Columbia despite the opposition of local government. The president frequently threatens to invoke the Insurrection Act to send military forces into Democratic-led states and cities.”
He’s apparently oppressive for following the law in everything he does. His cases go to the Supreme Court. If the court doesn’t agree, in their minds, it means he broke the law. It is a new definition of abiding by the Constitution just for Republicans.
They must have polled the “king” comparison and found it effective:
Trump, like his royal predecessor, “has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us.”
“In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms: our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury,” Thomas Jefferson wrote after laying out the charges against George III. “A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.”
They boast that they will hold Donald Trump and all his officials accountable. Then they are going to destroy everything he did.
The roadmap for what this accountability could look like is also becoming clearer by the day. When Democrats return to power, they will have to think beyond presidents and prosecutions, especially since the Supreme Court has thrown up largely insurmountable barriers to criminal proceedings against the sitting administration.
Instead, a broader, all-of-society effort will be necessary to tear the roots of Trumpism out of the nation’s political system—an effort that uses every tool possible to achieve a measure of justice. This will involve not only impeachment, but also civil lawsuits, professional sanctions, restrictive acts of Congress, and the enforcement of international law against Trump administration officials by long-standing American allies. Trump’s attacks on the republic are relentless, and the republic must be just as relentless in holding him and his allies responsible.
This time around, the legal landscape is much less favorable. During Trump’s first term, Justice Department guidelines forbade prosecutions of sitting presidents, delaying any potential proceedings until after his term ended. This time, prosecutors will also have to contend with Trump v. United States. The Supreme Court’s landmark ruling on “presidential immunity” in 2024 fundamentally changed the executive branch and how it operates within the American constitutional order.
All they plan to do after Trump leaves office:
Instead, a broader, all-of-society effort will be necessary to tear the roots of Trumpism out of the nation’s political system—an effort that uses every tool possible to achieve a measure of justice. This will involve not only impeachment, but also civil lawsuits, professional sanctions, restrictive acts of Congress, and the enforcement of international law against Trump administration officials by long-standing American allies. Trump’s attacks on the republic are relentless, and the republic must be just as relentless in holding him and his allies responsible.
“I don’t need international law,” Trump claimed. “I’m not looking to hurt people.” But international law could greatly complicate Trump’s post-presidential life, as well as the lives of many of his subordinates. His administration’s unlawful military strikes against alleged drug boats in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific have opened the door to criminal charges overseas. The wars against Iran and Venezuela could bring more such charges.
They plan to use the International Court, which is used for Nazis and terrorists:
One vector is the International Criminal Court. The United States is not a party to the Rome Statute, the treaty that created the court in 2002, and the Bush and Obama administrations kept it at arm’s length to avoid scrutiny of their military campaigns against foreign terrorists.
The international court is a globalist organization, and the people running it hate the USA. That is why the USA has kept it at arm’s length.
